American Foreign Relations During the Articles of Confederation Through the Perspective of Nathan Dane

"The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare..."[1] With this statement the Second Continental Congress confirmed the objectives of the nation's first government, The Articles of Confederation. These objectives were a first means in which to disconnect the new "United States" from British sub-rule. Nathan Dane, a Massachusetts Representative to the Second Continental Congress from 1785-1788, served on the "Grand Committee" in the Congress. He was thoroughly involved in the foreign relations of the country by assisting in writing foreign treaties and apportioning foreign debt. His influence is indisputable as one can see in the following examples of Dane's Congressional work. Although the nation was young during the rule of the Articles, America matured quickly in relation to other countries. This maturity can be seen in terms of the states role in war, treaties, and trade. However, this maturity is in part due to Dane's influential foreign policy. The Articles themselves were approved on March 1, 1781 with the ratification of the state of Maryland. From this date, until March 4, 1789 with the ratification of the Constitution, the Articles of Confederation operated the country's first foreign relations and policies which served as the stepping stone for the future leaders of the country. It is these early relations that allowed the country to gain the political and economic power it hold's today, many of which are because of Massachusetts forgotten representative Nathan Dane.

"The Grand Committee consisting of ...Mr. Dane...appointed to report such amendments to the Confederation, and such resolutions as it may be necessary to recommend to the federal states for obtaining them..."[2] Nathan Dane was a member of the Congressional Committee responsible for writing articles for possible addition to the Articles. Among these articles proposed was Article XIV which discussed regulating trade with foreign nations. "The United States Congress assembled shall have the sole and exclusive power of regulating the trade of the states, as well with foreign nations as with each other, and of laying such prohibitions and such imports, an duties upon imports..."[3] This regulating of trade allows the United States to benefit fully from each transaction that occurs with each foreign nation. Economically, controlling trade is vital in such a mercantalistic society; a country such as America must be able to control it's number of exports in relation to it's imports. Also, the economic concept of most favored nation must be considered by the Congress and is carried out in the proposed Article XIV.

Nathan Dane cited France as a country belonging to the United States most favored nations list. "Our treaty with France is a treaty of 'amity and commerce for founding commerce on reciprocal utility and the just rules of free intercourse'...It is said we are to enjoy the king's ports in Europe. The privileges and exemptions of the most favored nation."[4] The privileges of a most favored nation were a free market of open trade and an economic dependency upon each other for monetary gain. Through the late 1780's America, with the signing of the Franco-American Treaty of Alliance and of Amity and Commerce, viewed France as a counterpart in which to gain power. Through this treaty they acquired a trading partner, ally, and constant foreign exposure which would allow the country to prove themselves to other powerful European nations such as Britain and Spain. Dane's viewing of France as a most favored nation allows one to see America as a enlightened growing nation with exposure to one of the most powerful nations in the world. Dane's economic terminology also concludes that foreign economics run on the same principles today as they did in the 1780's.

Nathan Dane constantly opposed Congress in it's style of writing treaties with foreign nations. Dane believed that word choice and phrasing was vital to the actually meaning of the treaty. It can be concluded that Dane's in-depth analysis stemmed from his experience as a lawyer where he composed legal documents repeatedly. Dane believed a simple word could change the meaning of an important binding agreement which could lead to the downfall of American society. "We are naturally led to examine our treaty with France and other treaties in point to consider the objects and views of the parties, the reasons of the several stipulations and to draw our conclusions not from words merely..."[5] Dane stated that the Franco-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce used certain words and phrasings that truncated America's foreign opportunities. For instance, in the treaty the King stated that America could have access to all French ports "in Europe." The Second Continental Congress did not realize that France had other ports outside of Europe which they lost the advantage of using. Through Dane's concise analysis of Congressional wording he was able to save future events such as this from occurring.

Nathan Dane's congressional partners Mr. Nathan Gorham (Massachusetts) and Mr. Edward Carrington (Virginia) followed in Dane's footsteps. These men brought up such a word change while examining the Constitution. "...a motion was made by Mr. Gorham, seconded by Mr. Carrington, to amend it by striking out the words 'in the place while Congress shall fit'....and...'in Philadelphia'..."[6] Although Dane voted "no" on this word change his influence is still present. The Congress could not deny Dane's logic and oratorical skills. Each congressional item was now strained through word by word for a defined meaning and future consequence.

The United States held a large amount of debt during the Articles of Confederation. This debt sprung from the Revolutionary War in which America borrowed money in which to protect itself and from trade. America needed start-up capita to begin it's trading system and many countries were willing to lend to the newly developed country after it proved itself worthy in the war. "The committee consisting of...Mr. Dane...reported that...due in the year 1788, and the payment of one year's interest on the Domestic Debt, the sum of 3,009,798.64-90 dollars."[7] Dane tried to influence Congress to re-pay each loan with the money it gained itself. Many members of Congress aimed to receive more loans to re-pay old loans. Dane viewed this process as ceaseless and used his "no" vote on items of legislature that contained such ideas.[8] Although Dane was not always successful in his attempts to persuade Congress to his view, his ideas were known through his vote. Dane's involvement in the foreign treasury presented a unique perspective to other members of the committee.

As one can see, Nathan Dane had a significant influence upon the foreign policies of the Second Continental Congress. Dane was a man with modern logic and analysis' which allowed him to fulfill his duties regarding the modern young country. He was able to keep the country competitive with the archaic European nations that had been stable for over 500 years. Several of Dane's ideals were also influencial in the writing and signing of the Constitution. For example, when writing the Constitution the delegetes were very consise on the words choosen for the document and even voted on certain phrases that were controversial. America today is still a relatively young country struggling for an identity. Dane proved that critical wording, critical spending, and critical trading was vital to the survival of the country. Without Dane, America may have become a third world country labeled in small letters on a distant map in one's history class. One can never be sure of what may have happened if he had not existed, yet those who understand his influence can comprehend that life as society knows it today would cease to exist. Although Nathan Dane's name has disappeared from history texts throughout the country he once represented, his influence clings to each foreign treaty, debt, and economic policy that is performed in the United States government today.

References

Dane, Nathan. Letter written to the King, New York, June 9, 1787. Courtesy of the Beverly Historical Society.

Giunta, ,Mary A.,ed. The Emerging Nation: Foreign Relations of the United States 1780-1789, Washington, D.C: National Historical Publications and Records Commission, 1996.

Jensen, Merrill. The Articles of Confederation. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962.

Second Continental Congress, The Articles of Confederation. November 15, 1777.

The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress April 22, 1787. Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress October 11, 1787. Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress 1787. Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

Appendix A

Article VI- The Articles of Confederation

Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance or treaty with any King, Prince, or State; not shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any King, Prince or foreign State; not shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever between them, without consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by the United States in Congress assembled with any King, Prince, or State, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress, to the courts of France and Spain....No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled....

Appendix B

The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress 1787. Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

The Grand Committee, consisting of Mr. Livermore, Mr. Dane, Mr. Manning, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Smith, Mr. Symmes, Mr. Pettit, Mr. Lee, Mr. Bloodworth, Mr. Pickney, and Mr. Hostoun, appointed to report such Amendments to the Confederation, and such Resolutions as it may be necessary to recommend to the Several States for the Purpose of obtaining from them such powers as will render the Federal Government adequate to this Ends for which it was instituted...

Resolved. that it be recommended to the Legislatures of the several states to adopt the following articles, as articles of the confederation, and to authorize their delegates in Congress to sign and ratify the same severally as they shall be adopted, to wit.

Article XIV

The United States in Congress assembled shall have the sole and executive power of regulating the trade of the States, as well with foreign nations as with each other, and of laying such prohibitions and such imports, and duties upon imports, and exports, as may be necessary for the purpose; provided the citizens of the States shall in no instance be subjected to pay higher duties and imports....

Appendix C

Dane, Nathan. Letter written to the King, New York, June 9, 1787. Courtesy of the Beverly Historical Society.

....The words kingdoms in Europe, countries in Europe, dominions in Europe, have been used with more attention and meaning, but in several ways. The words "in Europe" have been inadvertently invented and violate the law of Aubaine the restrictive words in Europe are used in but being few treaties and I believe, in none with any particular meaning unless are in the family Compact of 1761....We are naturally led to examine our treaty with France and other treaties in point to consider the objects and views of the parties, the reasons of the several stipulations and to draw our conclusions not from words merely, but from words taken in communion with the objects which probably existed in the minds of the parties. Our treaty with France is a treaty of 'amity and commerce for founding commerce on reciprocal utility and the just rules of free intercourse.' The treaty throughout preserves this idea of liberality and reciprocity except in a limited expression in the four articles and one in the thirteenth article in the four. It is said we are to enjoy the king's ports in Europe. The privileges and exemptions of the most favored nations. Why are the words 'in Europe' inserted? In allowing the benefits allowed to other nations the most favored free no such distinction of treaties made before these the French enjoy those benefits....

Appendix D

The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress April 22, 1787. Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

When the foregoing act was under consideration, a motion was made by Mr. Gorham, seconded by Mr. Carrington, to amend it by striking out the words 'in the place where congress shall fit.' and in the room thereof inserting 'at Philadelphia.' And on the question to agree to the amendments, the yeas and nays being required by Mr. Mitchell

Massachusetts Mr. Gorham ay

Mr. Dane no Total MA vote= no

Mr. King no

Appendix E

The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress October 11, 1787. Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

The committee consisting of Mr. Dane, Mr. Smith and Mr. Grayson, to whom was referred a report of the board of treasury and a motion of Mr. Kean, respecting the requisition for 1787, having reported, 'That from the several papers referred to them, it appears that there is wanting for the services of the year 1787, the payment of one year's interest on the Foreign Debt, and such of the principal as becomes due in the year 1788, and the payment of one year's interest on the Domestic Debt, the sum of 3,009,798.64-90 dollars.

Foreign Debt for the payment of interest on the French and Dutch loans, and two installments on the French loans, becoming due 1788- 871,622.87

Spanish loan, one year's interest due thereon- 8,700

Debt due to foreign officers, one year's interest thereon- 11,185.55

Domestic Debt, one years interest thereon- 1,700,407

[1] The Second Continental Congress, The Articles Of Confederation (November 15, 1777), Article 3. See Appendix A

[2] The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress (1787). Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See Appendix B

[3] The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress (1787). Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See Appendix B

[4] Nathan Dane, Letter written to the King (June 9, 1787), New York. Courtesy of the Beverly Historical Society. See Appendix C

[5] Nathan Dane, Letter written to the King (June 9, 1787), New York. Courtesy of the Beverly Historical Society. See Appendix C 

[6] The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress (April 22, 1787). Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See Appendix D

[7] The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress (October 11, 1787). Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See Appendix E  

[8] The Second Continental Congress, The Journals of the Second Continental Congress (October 11, 1787). Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See Appendix E